Monday, May 31, 2010

Western Media Perverts Information about Thailand

http://www.worldpress.org/Asia/3559.cfm#down


Opinion 

Op-Ed

Western Media Perverts Information about Thailand

Tourists and Thai walk a street market during a public holiday in Bangkok on May 28. (Photo: Bay Ismoyo/ AFP-Getty Images)

Rebellion was crushed and Bangkok streets were covered with blood, mostly that of poor Thai peasants with their origins in the country's north or northeast. Armored vehicles crashed through the barricades made of old tires and bamboo rods, and government-employed snipers performed their terrible task, shooting people from tall buildings, often aiming directly at their heads.

The reaction of Western media was one of almost calm. "Peace was largely restored in the city Thursday, a day after a military crackdown on anti-government protesters triggered rioting in which 39 buildings were burned," reported the Associate Press (AP) just one day after the carnage. Not surprisingly, it was APwhose news appeared for days on the front page of Yahoo News, shaping public opinion in Europe and the United States as well as Southeast Asia itself.

Early on, it appeared that no one visiting the Redshirts stronghold at the Ratchaprasong area in Bangkok could ignore the pleas of protesters for social justice. While the military coup against Thaksin Shinavatra remained one of the main grievances of the rebels, the issue was gradually fading, replaced by much more urgent ones. Thaksin's images gave way to the red stars on the hats and jackets of defenders of the barricades.

In Western media reports, practically all talk about poverty and discrimination and arrogance of ruling elites quickly disappeared from dispatches of major press agencies. Expressions like "struggle for social justice" became self-censored by journalists in almost all English-language publications and wire services.

A propaganda machine went to work. Government snipers killing protesters came to be described as "clashes between protesters and government troops." The murder (by one of the snipers) of Major General Khattiya Sawasdiphol, who had earlier switched sides and joined the Redshirts, was played down, while agencies, newspapers and magazines in the United Kingdom and United States even invented a derogatory definition for this fallen soldier: rogue general. In the same breath, in one of its recent reports, AP described the country's monarch both as "revered" and "beloved."

With almost no exception, Western media stood by the morally and financially corrupt Thai establishment. Murder of civilians became synonymous with "restoring peace." Shooting into the crowd was labeled as the "quelling of violence."

Rarely was the illegitimate government of British-born and Oxford-educated Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva described as a "regime," (a favorite expression of Western media when dealing with anti-corporate and anti-Western governments), despite the fact that he came to power through the barrel of a gun after an illegal coup-d'etat.

While little sympathy or outrage over the killing of civilians was expressed, one could read laments over destroyed high-end real estate properties.

Southeast Asia's history of manipulated news

Southeast Asia is where manipulation of the Western media reached shameful and dizzying heights. Barbaric and brutal bombing of Laotian countryside during the Vietnam War (by U.S. forces, but also with enormous Thai assistance) was called a "secret war," reflecting the willingness of the U.S. and European press to muzzle itself in exchange for the usual perks. The whole truth about Western involvement in Cambodia, including its support for Khmer Rouge, is virtually unknown beyond the boundaries of this part of the world.

Western allies in Southeast Asia became virtually untouchable. The Philippines is very rarely exposed for its brutal feudal system, but is constantly hailed for its "democracy."

Indonesia could be designated as the textbook case. Almost no country managed to escape scrutiny of the Western media as much. The Western-backed coup in 1965 against Sukarno killed between 1 million and 3 million communists, leftists, intellectuals, teachers and people from the Chinese minority. It also opened doors to unbridled capitalism, corruption and religious (Muslim) control of the society, but mainly to the plunder of natural resources.

Naturally, most Western media outlets refused to comment on the occupation and genocide in East Timor or the massacres in Aceh. There was hardly any reporting on the more than 100,000 people who died in Papua, the remote Indonesian province consistently plundered by both Western companies and Indonesian state and military.

Read dispatches of major Western press agencies, and the conclusion you will arrive at is that Indonesia is a democracy (not the brutal feudal state it really is), the largest Southeast Asian economy (not the country with basic services like drinking water at a lower supply than in India or even Bangladesh) and "tolerant Muslim-majority state" (not the country where minorities are historically oppressed to the extreme, where churches periodically go up in flames and atheism is banned by law).

Thailand: land of violent smiles

Despite the cliché of it being a "country of smiles," Thailand is actually a country with one of the most brutal modern histories. In many ways it is a very tough, heartless and aggressive country, which oppresses almost all intellectual, religious and ethnic minorities. But you would hardly find a report on this topic.

The longest-serving (and the richest) monarch on Earth still rules the country that went through 18 military coups. Some coups were relatively "benign," but some were brutal. Pro feudal to the extreme, the Thailand ruling elite systematically liquidates its opposition, particularly any opposition striving for social justice. It has massacred left-wing students and leaders and even burned alleged communists in barrels of oil.

October 1973 saw some of the most brutal massacres on the streets of any Southeast Asian capital, in the name of the fight against communism. Again, there was no word of condemnation from the West, which promoted the country as an excellent place for beaches, massages, cheap food and sex.

AP published a piece in defense of the 1973 massacre with the title, "Experts: 'Bangkok crackdown no replay of Tiananmen,'" proclaiming that "Thailand is a democracy, albeit one now in crisis and long prone to military coups, while China was and is staunchly authoritarian."

For years, Thailand has been ruled by military juntas, with the monarch ceremonial head of state and with anti-communism the main rallying cry of Thai elites. In the name of anti-communism, local opposition was liquidated while the country participated in regional military adventures, basically invading and deeply wounding people of Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia on behalf of the United States, Australia and other Western powers.

Killing and torturing of the opposition is not the only issue not ventilated on the pages of U.S. and European newspapers. Other topics include terrible treatment of minorities (many non-Thai minorities do not have citizenship and therefore are deprived of basic services and assistance) and refugees (of the more than 1 million Burmese refugees, some endure near slave labor or virtual sexual slavery).

On September 19, 2006, a military junta calling itself the Council for National Security overthrew Thaksin's government while he was abroad. The Yellow Shirts—a movement that defends monarchy and elites—inspired the event, which fell on the 60th anniversary of King Bhumibol's reign. As long as the elite structure and the monarchy were not endangered, the West did nothing to stop this gross interference in democratic process. No major international organizations left Bangkok, and no sanctions from abroad were imposed. (Compare this to the coup in Fiji, which endangered Australian interests there and led to both sanctions and an enormous media campaign). Although Thailand was never actually a democracy, since the country was for decades a staunch anti-communist warrior and ally, it was always awarded democratic status by Western media.

One of the main cadres of the Yellow Shirts, Pipob Tongchai, said in February, "The U.S. wants to have 'traditional' government in Thailand. On September 19 the U.S. took no action against the Thai military. Coups don't matter as long as there is continuity. There was no U.S. intervention. And when Thailand has 'traditional' government, it actually means that the U.S. is fully in charge. It doesn't matter who is at its head—so Thaksin really doesn't matter."

Now Western media is attempting to look objective once again, just as it was "objective" in covering East Timor up to 1999, Indonesian in 1965, or Papua and the Philippines today.

In some publications one can hear voices of reason and truth. On May 18, the International Herald Tribune published a report by Thomas Fuller and Seth Mydans that said, "The protest movement defiantly encamped in Bangkok has its roots as a reaction to Mr. Thaksin's ouster, but it has since expanded to resemble a large social movement by less-affluent segments of Thai society rebelling against what they say is an elite that meddles to control Thailand's democratic institutions."

The same reports later stated, "The government has insisted that soldiers fire only in self defense, but the death toll has been lopsidedly among civilians since violence erupted last Thursday. A government bureau said that 34 civilians and two soldiers, including General Khattiya, had been killed since Thursday and that 256 people had been wounded, almost all of them civilians. … Protesters have attributed some of the deaths to snipers who are stationed in several places around the city on top of tall buildings."

But these voices are in minority.

Not surprisingly, Western media corporations now control almost all news distributed around the world. Japanese filmmaker Takeshi Hata said, "All that Japanese networks report about Thailand is just a copy of what is said on CNN, BBC and other English-language news outlets."

In neighboring Southeast Asian countries, the situation is even more extreme. The great majority of The Jakarta Post articles covering events in Thailand now comes directly from Reuters, and the situation is not much different when it comes to publications in Bahasa Indonesia, including dailies like Sinar Harapan.

"The other side to media distortion and self-censorship is the way that mostly American academia have treated Thailand," explained Geoffrey C. Gunn, a longtime student of Lao politics and society. "What is going on now is a kind of white terror, pay back and disappearances and the entrenchment of a de facto military government. Of course big business and the West will look the other way. It was the Australian foreign minister who congratulated Abhisit on his near bloodless solution."

It has been made increasingly irrelevant what the Redshirts really wanted to achieve, the cause for which they fought and many died. Their voices—those of poor men and women from the countryside and shantytowns—were silenced again, by both media and the military.

Andre Vltchek (andrevltchek.weebly.com) is a novelist, journalist and filmmaker. His latest book, "Oceania," exposes Western neo-colonialism in Polynesia, Melanesia and Micronesia. Mr. Vltchek lives and works in Asia and East Africa. This is an abridged version of his original article.

View the Worldpress Desk's profile for Andre Vltchek.

Risks to watch: Thailand

http://blogs.reuters.com/andrew-marshall/2010/05/31/risks-to-watch-thailand/

Andrew Marshall

Andrew Marshall's Profile

Risks to watch: Thailand

MAY 31, 2010 09:57 EDT

THAILAND/

semblance of order has been restored after gunbattles and arson attacks swept Bangkok in mid-May, but Thailand remains deeply polarised with no end in sight to a political crisis that is damaging the economy.

Here is a summary of the key political risks to watch in Thailand:

POLITICAL INSTABILITY

Thailand is a nation divided. A colour-coded political conflict, broadly between royalists, urban elites, bureaucrats and the military on one side, and mainly poor anti-establishment protesters who feel politically and economically disenfranchised on the other, shows no sign of resolution.

On the contrary, it is becoming ever more destructive.

The anti-government protesters, or "red shirts", broadly support former premier Thaksin Shinawatra, ousted in a 2006 coup after demonstrations by royalist "yellow shirt" Thais. Thailand has had six heads of government and faced several disruptive showdowns since then, including a 2008 siege of Bangkok's airports and the cancellation of an Asian summit in 2009.

The latest bout of upheaval began with mass "red shirt" rallies in Bangkok in March, with the protesters then occupying a huge swathe of downtown Bangkok for six weeks until driven out by the military on May 19. The death toll from Thailand's worst political violence in decades is 88 with nearly 2,000 wounded.

Long seen an attractive destination for portfolio and foreign direct investment, Thailand is increasingly viewed as a regional basket case. A stock market (.SETI) rally in February and March fizzled out when violence erupted on the streets of the capital.

What to watch:

  • Conflict or compromise? Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva proposed a "peace roadmap" in early May that included efforts to tackle social inequality and offered elections in November. This was broadly accepted by many "red shirt" leaders but hardliners in the movement demanded extra conditions and Abhisit withdrew the offer before the military moved in to crush the protest. A key question now is whether Abhsisit's government resumes efforts to find compromise or takes a hard line with the red movement.
  • A tough response seems probable — Abhisit now says an election this year is "unlikely" and while a curfew has been lifted, emergency laws remain in place banning public gatherings of more than five people and there is strict censorship of media critical of the government. The top leaders of the red movement face heavy jail sentences. While a hardline stance may mean order is maintained in the short-term, it risks provoking a violent eruption of anger from the millions of Thais who support the reds, in Thailand's north and northeast as well as in Bangkok. The medium-term risks would be high and the worst case scenario would be a descent into civil war.
  • A conciliatory stance could reduce tensions and lower the risk of violent conflict. But elections are unlikely to solve Thailand's troubles and indeed may intensify them. Parties that are a proxy for Thaksin would be likely to comfortably win the polls, as they have every election in the past decade. That result would be unacceptable to the "yellows" and the military and a fresh bout of conflict would be almost inevitable.
  • Economic impact. The bloodshed halted more than six weeks of gains on the stock market. Thevital tourism industry has taken a severe hit and consumer confidence hit a nine-month low for February and March. The Finance Ministry has said the unrest may have shaved more than a percentage point off GDP growth this year, but kept its 2010 growth forecast of 4-5 percent unchanged because of a strong first quarter — the positive external environment is strongly boosting exports.

THAILAND/

THE ROLE OF THE MILITARY

Thailand's military and police have a congenital inability to keep out of politics — the country has had 18 actual or attempted military coups in 77 years of on-off democracy. The military's last spell in direct charge of Thailand, after the 2006 coup, is widely regarded as an economic policy disaster.

What to watch:

  • Divisions in the military. The army backs the government, having played a big role in putting together the coalition. But cracks are appearing in the military along similar yellow-red fault lines as society. A widening of these divisions heightens the prospect of a coupby one faction, or more dangerously, a violent conflict between rival military factions.
  • Level of unrest and instability. A coup becomes much more likely if Thailand sees another bout of mass unrest on the streets. In these circumstances, a successful coup could boost markets in the short term, but the long-term impact on Thailand's attractiveness for foreign investors would be negative.

THAILAND/

THE KING'S HEALTH

The 82-year-old King Bhumibol Adulyadej has been in hospital since Sept. 19. Recent pictures appear to show he is in better health, but his illness has focused attention on what will happen when his reign comes to an end. A key issue in Thailand's political conflict is what role the monarchy and unelected elites should have in running the country. King Bhumibol is widely respected in Thailand so his political influence is accepted by most Thais. But his son and presumed heir, Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn, does not yet command the same popular support as his father. Many Thais and political analysts fear if the crown passes to Vajiralongkorn while political divisions remain unresolved, opposing factions will intensify their struggle, with highly destabilising consequences.

What to watch:

  • Statements from the palace on the king's health. A troubled succession could have a major negative impact on stocks and the baht (THB=) and raise the risk of a sovereign downgrade.
  • Extent to which privy council members remain a focus of protests. Protests against the royal family are illegal, but the red shirts have targeted senior royal advisers. If privy councillors remain a focus for protests, this is a sign the succession may be less smooth and orderly than many hope.

THAILAND-INDUSTRIAL

INDUSTRIAL ESTATE FREEZE

A surprise decision last September by a Thai court to suspend 56 projects — initially 76 — at the Map Ta Phut industrial estate, the world's eighth-biggest petrochemicals hub, has raised concerns about bureaucratic unpredictability and the competence of a government fighting fires on multiple fronts.

The freeze has affected projects worth an estimated $9 billion to $12 billion, with companies like energy giant PTT and Siam Cement (SCC.BK), Thailand's largest industrial conglomerate, among those affected by an injunction ordered due to their failure to carry out environmental and health impact assessments as required by the constitution.

What to watch:

Ji Ungpakorn on NGO double standards

http://thaipoliticalprisoners.wordpress.com/2010/05/31/ji-ungpakorn-on-ngo-double-standards/

MAY 31, 2010...8:58 PM

Ji Ungpakorn on NGO double standards

As is our practice because he is blocked – but, then, so is PPT, although we understand this is easing for us – we publish Ji Ungpakorn's latest statement:

Thai NGO-COD shows scandalous double standards over the violent crack down

Giles Ji Ungpakorn

The Thai NGO Coordinating committee (NGO-COD) issued a statement on 20th May 2010 about the violence in Bangkok. The statement blamed both the Government and the UDD Red Shirts for the deaths. This is despite the fact that the UDD protestors were unarmed and the Government used tanks, snipers and weapons of war against the protestors. Eighty-eight civilians died at the hands of the army. The NGO-COD makes no mention of the draconian censorship at the hands of the Government. The UDD were calling for democratic elections because the Abhisit Government was never elected and is only in power because of the military. NGO-COD clearly do not see that a pro-democracy protest is legitimate.

It is interesting to look at a number of statements made by NGO-COD about the violent Yellow Shirt PAD protests throughout 2008. These protests were aimed at toppling a democratically elected government and bringing about a restriction of voting rights among the general population. In May, June and September 2008, Pairot Polpet, as NGO-COD chairperson issued statements calling for the elected Palang Prachachon Government to respect the right of the PAD to "peaceful protest". In June 2008, NGO-COD called on the Government to resign. Elected PAD and NGO Senator Rosana Tositrakul stated that the Government had no right to disperse the PAD protestors who had seized Government House. In May 2010 Rosana urged the Abhisit Government to use force to disperse the Red Shirts. It is important to note that in 2008 the elected Palang Prachachon Government did not use the army or live ammunition on the PAD. Police mis-use of tear-gas, may, however, have caused one PAD death outside parliament in October 2008. Other PAD deaths were accidents caused by the PAD's home made bombs.

Later, after the Democrats had been manoeuvred into power by the Army and PAD, in April 2009, NGO-COD called on the Red Shirts to stop "violent protests" against the new Government. They called on the Democrat Government to "only use legal means to disperse protestors". One day later, the army and the Government used live ammunition to disperse the Red Shirts, killing and injuring many. An NGO-COD statement a week later did not call on the Government to resign. The Consumers' Association, AIDS networks and Slum Dwellers group, under the leadership of Nimit Tienudom and Saree Ongsomwang, went further and denounced the Red Shirt protests on 13th April 2009, but not the actions of the Government. A month later, on 8th May 2009, the northern section of NGO-COD issued a statement about the Thai political crisis. This statement claimed that the root cause of the crisis was the way that "politicians had been able to manipulate the system for their own benefit". There was not one single mention of the role of the army in destroying Democracy. Four days earlier, Pairot Polpet, the chairperson of NGO-COD joined a military sponsored event in front of the statue of King Rama 6th, called "Stop Harming Thailand". Despite its claim to be about "peace" the event was aimed at opposing further mass protests by Red Shirts. No such activity had ever been organised at the time when armed PAD thugs roamed the streets and shut down the two international airports.

The NGOs in Thailand are a disgrace and cannot be regarded as a progressive force or part of any democratising civil society.


The Death of Tolerance in Thailand

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703703704575277262807468660.html?mod=WSJ_Opinion_LEFTTopBucket

The Death of Tolerance in Thailand

The government is ignoring the most hopeful lessons of modern Thai history and destroying what's best about the country.


Six months ago, I listened to Suthachai Yimprasoet, a professor of history at Bangkok's Chulalongkorn University, present a learned paper on the 1902 integration of the Malay sultanate of Patani into the kingdom of Siam, as Thailand was then known, in a magnificent lecture hall on that university's campus. Last week, Prof. Suthachai was detained on an army base in Saraburi Province, 100 kilometers northeast of the Thai capital.

The government led by Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva and Deputy Prime Minister Suthep Thaugsuban has yet to reveal what makes the historian such a threat to the country. Mr. Suthachai was not one of the leaders of the "red shirt" occupation of central Bangkok, which the government ended by force of arms on May 19. Since his detention five days later, no formal charges have been filed.

Three days after Mr. Suthachai's detention, he began a hunger strike to protest his jailers' refusing him access to newspapers and to materials to prepare his lectures. Those jailers soon allowed him access to his books. But not before the spokesman for the Abhisit government's Center for the Resolution of the Emergency Situation, Colonel Sansern Kaewkamnerd, defended the government's right to detain Mr. Suthachai under the Emergency Decree of 2005. Appearing to give the professor advice on dieting, Col. Sansern dismissively suggested that if he did not want to eat food, he could eat some jelly instead.

Agence-France-Presse

Police officers keep watch over students after the upheaval of Oct. 6, 1976.

The Abhisit government says it wants reconciliation. But Mr. Suthachai's detention, along with aggressive measures to censor the Internet and other media, suggest that it has embarked on a post-crackdown course likely to deepen Thailand's ugly divisions. The government has used its emergency powers to freeze the bank accounts of more than 100 individuals believed either to have helped fund the Bangkok protests, or to be associated with former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, or to back the opposition Phuea Thai Party.

In northern and northeastern Thailand, the security forces have begun a program of surveillance of ordinary citizens. As a small businessman in the north remarked to me last week, the CRES's announcements—along with incessant radio and television broadcasts featuring the song "May Happiness Return"—have made provincial Thais' fear of their government palpable.

Messrs. Abhisit, Suthep and their backers are choosing to ignore the most hopeful lessons of modern Thai political history. Instead they have embarked on a path to destroy what is best about their country.

On Oct. 6, 1976, Thailand suffered a brutal coup against its Democrat Party-led government. Soldiers, police and right-wing vigilantes attacked Bangkok's Thammasat University. They killed tens of student protestors, detained many others and drove still others into the jungle to join the armed insurgency of the "terrorists" of the Communist Party of Thailand. Thailand entered a very bleak period. Bloodthirsty reactionaries charged that leading liberal members of the Democrat Party like Damrong Latthaphipahat and veteran journalist Surin Matsadit and future Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai of the party's formidable southern wing were communist enemies of the nation. The country found itself with a premier, Judge Thanin Kraiwichian, so right wing that the Thai army staged a coup to oust him in 1977.

That coup did little to address the real communist threat that challenged Bangkok's control over sections of northern, northeastern and southern Thailand. Instead, and along with divisions between pro-China and pro-Vietnam factions of the Communist Party, it was a program of reconciliation and amnesty spear-headed by General Prem Tinasulanon that largely defeated that insurgency by the early 1980s. At an institutional level the Thai army remains extremely proud of Gen. Prem's conciliatory approach to counter-insurgency. Now chairman of the king's Privy Council and a leading object of red-shirt enmity, Gen. Prem served as Thailand's prime minister from 1980-88, years that brought the slow consolidation of parliamentary democracy.

The Prem years brought another form of progress along Thailand's path from division and crisis. Following their release from jail or emergence from the jungle, many of the most talented student leaders of the 1970s refused to succumb to bitterness over the murders of their friends and the defeat of the Communist Party. Instead, they trooped overseas to earn graduate degrees in the finest universities of the United States, Australia, Japan and Europe. They returned to Thailand's universities to help give their country the most dynamic intellectual life of any country in Southeast Asia. As contributors of columns to Thailand's lively free press, they shared their insights and perspectives with a wide readership. Mr. Suthachai was a member of this group. Having fought for the Communist Party in the hills of southern Thailand's Suratthani Province, he earned a doctorate at Britain's University of Bristol.

Talent and academic freedom have made Thailand's best universities sites for rigorous examination of the country's past and present, its society, economy, and history. Their scholars' ideas and writings have given the country some much needed historical and cultural ballast in the midst of dizzying economic and social change, though recent years have seen those scholars no less divided between "yellow shirts" and "red shirts" than any other group.

In accusing Mr. Thaksin and the red-shirt leadership of supporting terrorism, the Abhisit government may seek to conjure up in foreign minds images of the bombers of London's public transport or Jakarta's hotels. Within Thailand, however, to label an adversary a "terrorist" is to adopt the divisive approach to political conflict that Gen. Prem repudiated 30 years ago. It is to indulge in the demagoguery that traumatized the southern wing of the Democrat Party out of which Deputy Prime Minister Suthep himself emerged. It is to cast aside a legacy of earlier success in facing down a threat to the Thai nation that in its day seemed no less grave than today's.

Thailand has entered an era of mass politics. For all their liberal pretensions, Messrs. Abhisit, Suthep and their fellow Democrat hardliner Chuan lack the comfort of their nemesis Mr. Thaksin with such politics. They also lack a compelling vision of Thailand's past, present or future. In this regard they are joined by an alarming number of their countrymen, on both sides of the great national divide, in an era of more common "international" education and easier access to the "global" media. This lack of perspective, of historical ballast, is what makes Thailand's current crisis so frightening.

Mr. Montesano is a visiting research fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore.

UN calls for Thai clashes inquiry



UN calls for Thai clashes inquiry

Page last updated at 17:14 GMT, Monday, 31 May 2010 18:14 UK

Thai worker cleans in BangkokProtesters destroyed a shopping centre as their rally came to an end

The UN has demanded an independent inquiry into recent unrest in Thailand, when more than 80 people were killed in clashes between security forces and protesters.

UN rights chief Navi Pillay said the guilty must be held accountable.

Opposition MPs have accused Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva of committing violations by ordering the army to crack down on the protesters.

Their nine-week protest paralysed parts of the capital, Bangkok.

Many of the dead were protesters killed when soldiers moved in to dismantle their fortified camp in the city.

The government has repeatedly blamed the violence on "terrorists" it says infiltrated the red-shirt protester ranks, attacking police and soldiers.

'Deep regrets'

The "red-shirt" protesters arrived in Bangkok on 14 March and occupied key parts of the capital, demanding that the government step down.

Attempts to negotiate a political solution failed and on 19 May Thai troops entered the protesters' sprawling camp to end their rally.

Ms Pillay said an inquiry was needed "to foster longer-term political reconciliation".

"I urge the government to ensure that an independent investigation of recent events be conducted, and all those found responsible for human-rights violations are held to account," she said in a speech in Switzerland.

In response, Thailand's UN envoy Sihasak Phuangketkeow said an independent commission was "being set up".

"The Thai government deeply regrets the loss of lives and injuries that occurred, and is committed to bringing those responsible to account," he said.

Meanwhile, Mr Abhisit came under renewed pressure on Monday as the parliament debated a censure motion against him and several ministers.

The opposition Puea Thai Party, broadly seen as supporting the red-shirts, accused the prime minister of using excessive force.

Although the government has a big enough majority to see off any no-confidence motion, analysts say the televised debate has become a focal point in the battle for public opinion


หนาว!! ผู้เชี่ยวชาญอาชญากรสงครามตกลงร่วมทีม เอาผิดอภิสิทธิ์สังหารประชาชน Mon, 05/31/2010 - 14:18 | by Amadeus | Report t

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รายงานจากเว็บไซต์โรเบิร์ต อัมสเตอร์ดัม สำนักงานทนายความระดับโลก ซึ่งพ.ต.ท.ดร.ทักษิณ ชินวัตร ได้ร้องขอให้มาช่วยงานประชาธิปไตยในไทย ได้เปิดเผยเมื่อวันนี้ว่า (31 พ.ค.) ผู้เชี่ยวชาญด้านกฏหมายอาชญากรสงครามระหว่างประเทศ ได้ตอบตกลงเข้ามาร่วมทีมสืบสวนเหตุการณ์การเข่นฆ่าประชาชนที่มาประท้วงเรียก ร้องประชาธิปไตยในไทย

ผู้เชี่ยวชาญระดับชาติเกี่ยวกับการดคีความ อาชญากรสงคราม ศาสตราจารย์ จีเจ อเล็กซานเดอร์ นู๊ป ได้ตกลงเข้าร่วมทีมกฏหมายของสำนักงานทนายความโรเบิร์ด อัมสเตอร์ดัม แล้ว เพื่อที่จะดำเนินการสืบสวนเหตุการณ์ที่รัฐบาลไทยได้ทำการสังหารผู้เรียกร้อง ประชาธิปไตยกว่า 80 ศพ ระหว่างเดือนเมษา และเดือน พฤษภาคม ที่ผ่านมา

ศาสตร์จารย์ Knoops จากบริษัท Knoops & Partners คือเจ้าหน้าที่ระดับโลกในกรณีคดีอาชญากรสงคราม คดีอาญาที่รัฐกระทำต่อประชาชน และคดีการเข่นฆ่าล้างเผ่าพันธู์ เขาได้ทำงานในคดีต่างๆก่อนหน้านี้ ได้แก่คดีอาชญากรรมสงครามในยูโกสลาเวีย กรณีอาชญากรรมในประเทศรวันด้า รวมไปถึงศาลพิเศษใน Sierra-Leone ซึ่งก่อตั้งโดยสหประชาชาติเพื่อพิจารณาคดีความในกรณีความผิดอันร้ายแรงต่อ มนุษยชาติอันเกิดขึ้นเมื่อวันที่ 30 พ.ย. 1996

Former Bosnian Serb Leader-Radovan Karadzic is assisted with his brief case as he appears in court at the international criminal tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in the hague.

รายงานระบุว่า ทั้งอัมสเตอร์ดัมและนู๊ปได้ทำงานร่วมกันมานานแล้ว นายอัมสเตอร์ดัมยังได้ระบุว่า รัฐบาลทหารของไทยยังไม่หยุดยั้งการกดขี่ปราบปรามต่อประชาชนของตน มีประชาชนอย่างน้อย 140 คนถูกจับกุม ส่วนมากถูกควบคุมตัวมากกว่าหนึ่งสัปดาห์โดยปราศจากการตั้งข้อหาใดๆ และถูกปฏิเสธไม่ให้มีทนาย ซึ่งเป็นการละเมิดสิทธิขั้นพื้นฐานมนุษยชนและกฏหมายระหว่างประเทศ รัฐบาลทหารนายอภิสิทธิ์ยังได้ละเมิดกฏบัตรสิทธิมนุษยชนของสหประชาชาติและข้อ ตกลงระหว่างประเทศ ซึ่งเป็นการเหยียบย่ำศักดิ์ศรีของนานาชาติและสิทธิ์ของประชาชนของประเทศตน

ภาย ในแถลงการณ์ดังกล่าวได้ระบุว่าผู้จับกุมทั้งหมดซึ่งประกอบไปด้วยแกนนำคน เสื้อแดง คณาจารย์ (หมายถึงอ.สุธาชัย) การ์ด และคนเสื้อแดงอื่นๆ ซึ่งถูกจับกุมและคุมตัวไว้ในที่ต่างๆ

"การที่กองทัพไทยใช้อาวุธ เป็นการละเมิดหลักพื้นฐานของสหประชาชาติในการใช้อาวุธโดยเจ้าหน้าที่พิทักษ์ กฏหมายปี 1990 มติดังกล่าวได้ผ่านการลงมติในการประชุมครั้งที่แปดของสหประชาชาติในกรณีการ ป้องกันการก่ออาชญากรรมและหลักการปฏิบัติของฝ่ายโจมตี ในเดือนกันยายน ปี ค.ศ. 1990" นายโรเบิร์ต อัมสเตอร์ดัมกล่าว

ที่มา : http://thaienews.blogspot.com/2010/05/blog-post_8814.html

Sunday, May 30, 2010

In the line of fire

http://www.nationmultimedia.com/home/2010/05/29/opinion/In-the-line-of-fire-30130431.html

In the line of fire


Nation photographer Chaiwat Pumpuang reckons that last week's red riot in Bangkok was even more dangerous for newsmen than Afghanistan or southern Thailand


Chaiwat, who joined the paper in the mid-1980s, was on duty covering the political unrest on Rajprarob Road near the Century Hotel when he was shot in his right leg.Chaiwat Pumpuang, 47, a veteran photographer for The Nation, didn't expect a potentially deadly surprise from the security forces battling anti-government protesters in Bangkok on the afternoon of May 15.

"Around 3pm, I and a group of 10 other TV and newspaper cameramen, including three Japanese, were following 50 to 60 red-shirt protesters along Rajprarob Road after security forces set up barricades to stop them from advancing into the city centre [and Rajprasong intersection, where the main protest site was situated].

"The situation was rather tense but I didn't expect the military to take very harsh action against the protesters. The worst came around 3.30pm when the red shirts took over a city water truck and tried to steer it across the road near Soi Rangnam as a barrier against the security forces.

"Soldiers then blew out the tyres on this truck and all hell broke loose. The place suddenly turned into a battlefield as I attempted to capture the scenes on my camera with a telescope lens.

"Everyone was retreating into corners to avoid live bullets from the security forces. I and a colleague from Post Today were among the last to leave the firing zone.

"Unfortunately, I was two or three steps too late, and was hit in my right upper leg, with my back next to the concrete wall of a nearby house.

"After collapsing in the street, I was left lying there for 25-30 minutes. Afterwards, the army stopped shooting and a rescue team arrived at the scene," says Chaiwat, who has covered war zones in Afghanistan and Cambodia as well as Thailand's insurgent-wracked southernmost provinces.

In his opinion, field journalists and cameramen generally ensure their own safety while covering dangerous events by choosing to stay on the "right" side of the conflict. However, such a choice was difficult in last week's Bangkok riots.

"On April 10, for instance, several soldiers were killed [by unidentified assailants] as they attempted to disperse protesters at Bangkok's Kwok Wua intersection.

"As a result, we couldn't be sure that we would be safe if we were with the security forces. We were concerned about being shot by snipers [from unknown forces], for instance.

"In other words, the Bangkok riots were tougher than Afghanistan or Cambodia or southern Thailand in terms of making the right choice for safety.

"In southern Thailand, for example, I have been there more than 10 times. Most of the time, we stay with villagers. The last time, seven soldiers were killed by a car bomb in Narathiwat. It happened about 600 metres from where I was standing.

"During a Thai-Burmese border skirmish a few years ago, we were with the Thai forces and there was no safety problem.

"This time, I mistakenly believed that the security forces wouldn't get very tough with the protesters. There were just 50 to 60 red shirts, a very small group. I couldn't believe that the soldiers would shoot non-stop like that. What happened was very fast, offensive and deadly. There was no advance signal that the army would strike that hard, especially when there were about ten cameramen in the area.

"We were just doing our duty and we couldn't see the soldiers who sprayed bullets, as they were behind their sandbags at the opposite end of the street," says Chaiwat.