Opinion > Opinion
A creeping military regime gets 'creepier every day'
- Published: 26/11/2010 at 12:00 AM
- Newspaper section: News
In the aftermath of the bloodless coup d'etat of Sept 19, 2006, many people _ politicians, academics, and even the military _ came to the realisation that a coup may not have been the best solution to resolve a political conflict.
Initially, the coup generated a feeling of relief among the public, but in time it became part of the problem, and even worsened it. The technocratic government of Gen Surayud Chulanont was ineffective in managing the affairs of state, as public pressure for a return to democracy grew. International disdain for a coup-installed government was also a major obstacle.
A return to democracy under the 2007 constitution and subsequent election, however, proved merely a guise of the coup leaders and their supporters, in order to try to hang on to power. Many articles in the constitution clearly were designed to create conditions that would reduce the influence of ousted prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his Thai Rak Thai Party _ a party which, pre-coup, became the first political party in Thai history to win an absolute majority in parliament through an election, and set up a one-party government.
E.g.: the "one man, one vote" electoral system of the 1997 constitution was deemed advantageous to the TRT, so a larger and multiple MP constituency was chartered back from the past, believing this clause would stratch away at TRT's voter base. The Senate, fully elected before, became a half-selected and half-elected one.
Many other articles in the constitution distorted the check-and-balance system with provisions not as democratic as they sounded.
Section 77 of the 2007 constitution stipulates that "the state shall protect and uphold the monarchy, sovereignty, independence and integrity of its jurisdictions and shall maintain necessary and adequate armed forces and ordnances as well as up-to-date technology for the protection and upholding of its independence, sovereignty, security of the state, the monarchy, national interests and the democratic system of government with the King as the Head of State, and national development."
This provides legal leeway for the role of the military _ implicit before, but now written as a constitutional requirement that extends to military procurement. When Prayuth Chan-ocha took the helm as army commander-in-chief, he sent out signals that the role of the army under his command would be in accordance with Section 77.
If interpreted as broadly as it is written, then military could do anything under the sun.
Not that the military has no powers at present. Bangkok has been under an emergency decree since early this year. Controlling Bangkok is similar to having a grip on the heart of the entire nation. Rescinding the decree in other provinces was only an appeasement.
The military has checkpoints all over Bangkok. The Centre for thye Resolution of the Emergency Situation monitors all political activities. Websites are blocked. Community radios, cable television and publications leaning or supporting the red shirts are either shut down or blocked, or "contained" within specific boundaries.
In his quest to remain in power and to crush ousted premier Thaksin's forces, it has always been a wonder what genie did Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva let out of the bottle.
Having allowed the military to manipulate him into a position of power as the prime minister, Mr Abhisit should not be surprised when the military starts flexing its powers. By not exerting his political leadership in a more democratic manner, PM Abhisit has allowed the already strong military to extend its regime over a supposedly democratic country.
The fear of Thaksin's returning is so strong among the Bangkok elite that they have set up the Democrats and the military as tools to fight and slug it out with Thaksin and his red-shirted sympathisers.
The emergency decree declared by the People Power Party _ when it was in government and the yellow shirts were occupying Government House _ was not enforced properly by the military.
But when the decree was declared against the red shirts, an all-out crackdown was ordered and carried out, resulting in 91 deaths and thousands injured in the clashes in April and May this year.
Last week, Gen Prayuth issued CRES order (141/2553), which basically prohibits individuals "to have in their possession, or possess with intent to sell or otherwise distribute, products, clothing, consumer goods, or any other objects that contain printing, writing, drawing, photography, or any other method that conveys a meaning which provokes, incites, agitates, or causes disunity in the general populace, or acts or supports acts which cause a state of emergency".
And "authorities are authorised to order the seizure or confiscation of products, clothing, consumer goods, or any other objects", while also "authorised to act as necessary to maintain the security of the state or the safety of the public". The punishment is that "any person violating this order is subject to up to two years' imprisonment or a fine of up to 40,000 baht, or both" (translation by riker.blogspot.com).
An all-encompassing order such as this one, which leaves so much to the discretion of officials in charge, impinges upon basic individual rights as never before.
Even Mr Abhisit felt uncomfortable to the point that he had to take it up with Defence Minister Prawit Wongsuwon who is in charge of the CRES, and with Gen Prayuth himself.
The military refused to budge, saying it could not permit any "offences" that could destablise the nation and the monarchy.
But any offence to the monarchy is already covered by a harsher lese majeste law. One must therefore wonder what is Gen Prayuth's line of thinking, and whether this is any indication of how the military will be using its powers.
If Gen Prayuth or anyone in the military establishment thinks that suppression through an order is the way to end political differences, and restore unity such as is being propagandised, then a re-think is in order. In a democracy, free speech must be protected. If there are offences that violate individual rights, then the courts will decide.
A military type of order will only instigate animosity and deepen the distrust and the wounds of an increasingly polarised nation. Therefore, CRES order (141/2553) should be revoked immediately.
It is also sad that during the parliamentary debate on the constitution amendments, this violation of basic constitutional rights was not mentioned. The politicians are too self-involved in serving their own interests. Mr Abhisit seems helpless as the military exerts and extends its power.
Coups may be out of favour in this day and age, but a creeping military regime is getting creepier by the minute.
Suranand Vejjajiva served in the Thaksin Shinawatra cabinet and is now a political analyst.
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